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Bihar : From Worst to Near First |
How India's most desperate state transformed itself to become a model for the rest of the country.
For centuries, it seems, the northern Indian state of Bihar has been plunging downhill. Once the seat of one of the world's most glorious empires, the state was first devastated by colonial policies that enshrined feudal landlords, then shunned by a succession of Indian governments, and finally riven and destroyed when the seeds of caste and class conflict matured into a small-scale civil war in the 1970s. As the militias of upper-caste landlords clashed with revolutionary guerrillas fighting for the oppressed, and caste-based political agitations threw up a series of incompetent and allegedly corrupt governments, state services ground to a halt, highways disintegrated, bridges crumbled, and career criminals ascended from the back rooms of party offices to take seats in the state legislative assembly, and even the Indian Parliament itself. By the 1990s, brazen and deadly highway robberies put an end to traveling after nightfall, and as business activity plummeted, kidnapping for ransom was declared the state's only growth industry. The so-called Republic of Biharviewed as a criminal fiefdom beyond the purview of the government of Indiawas effectively a failed state. "Institutions had collapsed," says Nand Kishore Singh, a member of the upper house of Parliament. "Law and order had come to a grinding halt."
This January, however, Bihar posted some stunning statistics that go a long way toward confirming that, since taking office in 2005, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has done the impossible. Despite the economic crisis and three years of droughts and floods, Bihar posted 11 percent average annual economic growth over Kumar's five years in office, making it the second-fastest-growing state in India, the second-hottest major economy in the world after China. In what were once impassable badlands, the administration laid 6,800 kilometers of roads, built 1,600 bridges and culverts, and cut journey time in half in many areas. Car sales eclipsed kidnappings, as crimes by roving bandits fell steadily from 1,297 to 640 and kidnappings for ransom dropped from 411 to 66 between 2004 and 2008. In a state that many Delhi residents once feared to visitdespite its allure as home to Bodh Gaya, the site where the Buddha attained his enlightenmentthe number of foreign tourists shot up from 95,000 to 356,000 over the past two years.
These figures were so astounding that critics lost no time in belittling them. How could backward Bihar be growing nearly as rapidly as booming Gujarat, a longstanding leader in industries ranging from textiles to pharmaceuticals? The economic growth in Bihar stems from state spending, not investment, many pointed out. All Indian states collect and report their own economic figures to the Central Statistical Organization, and Kumar must have cooked the books in Bihar, others alleged. Those charges are almost certainly wrong. There's a small margin for error. But large-scale reporting fraud is unlikely, and things have indeed changed dramatically in Bihar. "We never had a functioning stateneither before independence nor after independence," says economist Shaibal Gupta, who heads the Asian Development Research Institute in Patna, the state capital. "Under Nitish Kumar, for the first time the state started functioning marginally. And with the improved functioning of the state, things have dramatically improved."
Kumar's nascent success represents more than just the light at the end of the tunnel for one failed state. It could be a guide for other states that are struggling with many of the same issues. Almost 20 years ago, after a visit to a site in Bihar where a guerrilla army of untouchables had slaughtered a village of landlords with harvesting sickles, the travel writer William Dalrymple bemoaned the collapse of Bihar. But he also suggested that the state was not so much backward, as India's newspapers often described it, as it was forward: a trendsetter for the rest of India that presaged ballot-rigging, caste-based social upheaval, and the criminalization of politics as national phenomena. This dismal view appeared to be correct, as India's vaunted democracy descended into simple caste-based gerrymandering, knee-jerk -"anti--incumbency" made mockery of the accountability that free elections are meant to enshrine, and an ever-increasing number of alleged gangsters made their way into the national legislature. "In the '80s and '90s, there was a wave of caste-related politics, where development didn't seem to matter," says Baijayant "Jay" Panda, a member of Parliament from Orissa, a state that has faced similar problems. "But I think that was a phase. We have matured as a democracy. Voters today are going beyond those concerns and looking at issues like good governance and development and electoral promises being kept."
Like his main rivals, Kumar, 58, is a career politician, who served three terms as a minister in the central government since the late 1980s. A teetotaler known for his simple lifestyle, he has a reputation for probity that propelled him to the helm of Bihar's government in 2005. Because he did not appear to have amassed any fortune or to have used his position to bring any family members into the usually lucrative business of politics, voters perceived him as outside the established patronage system. In a state that had been dominated by politicians catering to an alliance of the Muslim and middle-caste Yadav vote, Kumar set out to build a "coalition of extremes" that includes the high-priest and warrior castes and voters from among the erstwhile untouchables. Even as he did so, however, he sent voters a message that he was more committed to developing the state than protecting his caste fellows, and that he would end the 15 years of increasingly hostile class war under Lalu Prasad Yadav, a charismatic demagogue who as chief minister exploited lower-caste hatred for the state's unreformed feudal landlords. With a brio worthy of Falstaff, Yadav had enshrined his relatives and caste fellows in positions of power, and observers blamed him for his cronies' excesses. His brothers-in-law, Sadhu Yadav and Subhash Yadav, for instance, have figured in police investigations of the alleged embezzlement of millions of dollars in flood-relief funds and the alleged abduction and torture of an official of one of India's state-owned banks. Neither has been convicted of any crime. Lalu himself was accused of complicity in the embezzlement of millions of dollars in state funds intended for fodder, livestock, and farm equipment, for which he was in and out of jail several times before he was acquitted of amassing "disproportionate assets" for a man of his position in 2006.
Kumar changed the rules. He reversed Bihar's plunge into chaos by doing something that was highly unusual in the stateand indeed in all of India: he focused on competence over patronage. To improve delivery of government services, Kumar broke the long trend of overcentralizing state powers, and delegated more financial and administrative powers to officials in the field. He updated archaic rules that made civil engineers seek minister-level approval to spend absurdly low amounts of money. These moves eliminated the huge backlogs of simple matters piled up on senior officials' desks. He also reestablished the cabinet meeting as a weekly event, held every Tuesday, where in years past the cabinet sometimes did not meet for months.
Kumar then redefined the basic functions of institutions, essentially requiring offices to do the work they'd been assigned. He ended the widespread "transfer industry," which sold coveted bureaucratic posts to the highest bidders, and handpicked bureaucrats known for their competence. He ensured them that he would honor the set three-year tenure of postings rather than shuffling them around before they could deliver. One such official built 259 bridges and turned around a loss-making state-owned infrastructure firm during his three-year watch; as a reward, he's been charged with building the state's new roads and hospitals. To speedily fill thousands of vacancies in the police force that had left the state at the mercy of criminals, he tapped already trained personnel from among the state's ex-soldierswho in India retire in their 40s. He publicly supported the police after they made high-profile arrests of criminals who had previously enjoyed political protection. Those jailed included not only a member of Parliament from the state's main rival political faction (who had dared the state police chief to arrest him on live television) but also an assemblyman from Kumar's own party who had made his own TV spectacle, threatening to have a group of reporters killed for filming his drunken altercation with the staff of a local hotel. Kumar managed to redress the state courts' abysmal conviction rate by instituting fast-track courts and working with the judiciary to focus on career criminals' most easily prosecuted offenses to ensure that they swiftly found themselves behind bars. The moves resulted in nearly 39,000 convictions between 2006 and 2009, compared with an average of less than 10,000 in previous decades. Those convicted included a dozen state legislators and members of Parliament like Mohammad Shahabuddin, Pappu Yadav, and Munna Shukla, all three of whom are now serving life sentences for crimes including kidnapping, intended murder, and murder.
Rebuilding the police and courts has reaped clear economic benefits. Now rickshaw drivers say they earn more money because people are traveling after 8 p.m. Shopkeepers say their take has increased because they no longer have to bribe the police or pay off local thugs. By retooling the bureaucracy in charge of implementing state projects, Kumar has been able to boost spending on government programs. Bihar's outlays on projects ranging from building roads to training new primary-school teachers rose from $320 million in 2001 to $3.5 billion last year, significantly outpacing the growth in central government funding for Bihar. "Earlier, the funds were not even reaching to the district level," says Manoj Rai, Delhi director of the Society for Participatory Research in Asia. "If you take the old quote that out of one rupee, only 15 paise reaches to the people, in Bihar, it was not even reaching to the district [administrators] from the state." Among other things, that increase meant more -teachersmore than 100,000 added in the primary schools since Kumar took officeand better oversight of doctors and staff working at rural health centers. Primary-care centers that used to see 30 patients a month now see 3,600because people have a reasonable expectation that the doctors have shown up for work.
Still, Bihar continues to rank dismally on every major social indicator, and there are few signs that the poorest of the poor have benefited much from the new economic growth. More than half of Bihar's 82 million people live below the poverty line, compared with about 40 percent for the rest of India; both the infant-mortality rate and -maternal-mortality rate are higher than the national average; and some 70 percent of the state's inhabited areas are not linked by motorable roads.
Bihar's course correction may well mark a watershed moment for India. At a time when coalition politics limits centralized control, the nation needs competent, accountable provincial governments to continue its emergence as a global power. There are similarly encouraging signs from other local and regional leaders. Delhi's Sheila Dikshit has staved off her opponents by successfully tackling pollution and improving city infrastructure; Gujarat's Narendra Modi has retained power by attracting investment and creating jobs, despite his alleged role in deadly Hindu-Muslim riots in 2002; and Orissa's Naveen Patnaik has won an unprecedented third term in one of India's laggard states by improving law and order, stimulating industry, and cracking down on corruption. The common thread is that political leaders are realizing that anti-incumbency and gerry-man-der-ing aren't insurmountable: they can win reelection by delivering economic development and ousting the corrupt or incompetent from their parties' dockets.
Because of his state's longstanding reputation as a basket case, Kumar, perhaps more than any other, has shown that even India's darkest corners can make progress against crime, corruption, and caste- and creed-based demagoguery. In recent days, Kumar faced a rebellion from within his own party that may illustrate one of the costs of dismantling the patronage system. But if he can hold onto power in the state elections this fall, and perhaps even if he can't, the trendsetter state will confirm that India's democracy and its voters have reached a new stage of evolution.
"Whether he wins or loses, the signal has gone out very clearly," says PRIA's Rai. Kumar's predecessor, Lalu Yadav, "used to say development does not help you to win elections. Now the same man has started using development jargon." Whoever takes office next term will have to do it on the promise of electricity, roads, and jobs, and they'll be accountable for their promises now that Kumar has broken the perception that all politicians are the same and change is impossible. "Politically, Kumar has won," says Rai. "Electorally, he may lose. But that's not important." What's vital is that India's most backward state is now finally moving forward.
- Newsweek.
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Rumblings in JD(U) ranks in poll year |
PATNA: Chief minister Nitish Kumar may have drawn media attention for Bihars turnaround, but that has not helped him dissuade all powerful state JD(U) president Rajiv Ranjan Singh Lalan from raising a voice of revolt against him.
Alleging lack of democracy in the ruling party, Lalan on Saturday accused Nitish of behaving like a dictator. Nitish Kumar is behaving like a dictator... he is ignoring and overlooking genuine party workers and treating the party as his pocket borough, Lalan said.
Responding to Lalans allegation Nitish said, I dont want to say anything... Such developments take place in political parties... everything will be settled... lets not discuss it publicly.
Lalan has raised the banner of revolt at a time when senior leader Prabhunath Singh is going hammer and tongs against Nitish and party is in disarray in the election year. Party general secretary and media-friendly spokesman Shivanand Tiwary remains indiffrent to media queries.
Explaining the reasons, Lalan said he had not been consulted by Nitish while taking decisions during the past four years. I always come to know about the decisions through newspapers... If this is my status, I cant allow it. I have made no less contribution than others to float the party and bring it to a state of ruling Bihar after fighting the Lalu-Rabri regimes for 15 years, he said.
Lalan said, It will be better for Nitish to appoint a puppet party chief. I dont want to face the ire of grass-root party workers who unnecessarily target me for anything wrong or humiliation done to them.
Nitish is facing a difficult task of keeping the party intact and defuse the rebellion. `The Economist which lauded Nitish for Bihars growth rate had also perceived political turmoil for him.
Lalan is cheesed off with Nitish since the Lok Sabha polls in May last. Lalan was not in favour of becoming state president for a second term, but succumbed to the pressure of Nitish and others, including national president Sharad Yadav in October last. He has hardly visited party office or attended a party function over the past three months.
TOI
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Nitish refuses to comment on JD(U) crisis |
PATNA: Once again pretending as if he was least bothered about the deepening crisis in his party JD(U) despite resignation of state JD(U) president Rajiv Ranjan Singh Lalan from his post, chief minister Nitish Kumar said that he would not comment.
"I am left with little time and have to do many things before preparing for elections," he said when he was flooded with queries about the rebellious stand of Lalan and possibility of split in the party on the sidelines of the Janata Durbar on Monday.
"I will be the last person to comment on the party affairs in public. You have freedom to ask questions (related to this issue) but I will not reply," he said firmly.
Asked about his Sunday comment after watching `3-Idiots' that "All is well in Bihar", Nitish said that was precisely true about the overall situation in the state. "People are living in peace, development works are going on and the government's policy of inclusive growth is bearing fruits, growth rate is going up, crime contained, so all is well in Bihar," he asserted.
Commenting on Rahul Gandhi's two-day visit to Bihar, which started on Monday, Nitish said, "This is a normal and natural visit as this is an election year and most of the leaders will visit the state and parties will try their luck. But their fate will be decided by the people."
The CM was critical of the Congress for the inflation and said that spiralling prices of essential commodities will compel the people to outrightly reject the Congress. "Big brother (RJD chief Lalu Prasad) kept silent when he was in power, but now he is agitating over price rise in bid to score a political point," he said.
On the Bihar Special Court Bill, Nitish said that the President has given her nod and once the communique arrives, the state cabinet will approve the Rules of the Act. He said that the vigilance and law department were busy formulating the rules.
TOI - 2 Feb 2010
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Massacre accused held after 11 yrs |
PATNA: After nearly 11 years, Ramesh Yadav alias Pehalwanji, the prime accused in the Senari massacre, has been arrested. The Special Task Force nabbed him from the Chitkohra locality under Gardanibagh police station on Monday.
As many as 38 people, all belonging to Bhumihar, an upper caste, were butchered at Senari village in Jehanabad district on March 18, 1999. On the basis of Rameshs confession, his associates Rakesh Verma alias Rakesh Kushwaha and Kameshwar Yadav were also arrested. While Rakesh hails from Masaurhi Kala village, Kameshwar belongs to Nagma village under Paliganj PS.
A resident of Sukul Bigha under Kurtha PS in Arwal police district, Ramesh was a member of the then CPI(ML) Peoples War when the Senari massacre took place. Later, he became a member of the CPI(Maoist) after PW merged with MCC.
P K Sinha, STF superintendent of police, said Ramesh became a contractor to hide his real identity and also indulged in extorting rangdari tax. About two months ago, STF was tipped off about Rameshs whereabouts.
Police then carried out a recce at Sukul Bigha. When he reached Chitkohra on Monday morning, the STF men, who were shadowing him, pounced on him. The Senari massacre had hogged the headlines as all the victims were hacked to death. Ramesh was named prime accused and charged under sections 147, 148, 324, 342 and 120(B) IPC.
Police said after he was produced in court, the Arwal and Karpi police will take Ramesh and his associates on remand for further interrogation.
TOI - Feb 2 2010
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Caste-based food served at Muzaffarpur medical college |
PATNA: Rajput ‘paratha’, Bhumihar ‘poori’, Brahmin ‘kachauri’, Yadav ‘chapati’. Ever heard of these cuisines? These are allegedly served at Sri
Krishna Medical College & Hospital (SKMCH), Muzaffarpur, to the medicos. Here a ‘thali’ is identified with the caste of the customer.
When this practice was shown on various news channels, the state government reacted. “Caste polarisation on the dining table is unacceptable,” health minister Nand Kishore Yadav told TOI on Sunday.
He said explanation has been sought from the SKMCH authorities. The channels showed medicos confirming the practice. They said the medical students belonging to different caste groups are served different ‘thalis’. “This practice has been going on for long and if it’s wrong... we’re also responsible for this,” an SKMCH doctor said.
“I’m not very surprised over this practice. It happens at various institutions, though it’s very unfortunate,” said principal health secretary C K Mishra. He said he had no knowledge about what was happening at the SKMCH canteen until it was shown by some news channels.
Mishra, however, said the practice could be stopped if a proper canteen was opened in the institutions. It’s because of lack of a proper canteen that groups of students take to cooking separately.
“Most of the groups come up on the basis of caste and community they belong to,” Mishra said. The health minister also admitted that due to non-existence of proper canteen, groups prefer to get their food cooked as per their preference.
“It’s not a good practice because it smacks of casteism in the society,” Yadav said.
- (TOI) - Vijay Kr. Sharma
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RJD-LJP gains lost ground in Bihar |
Patna, Sept. 18: Poll pundits wrote Lalu Prasad off when the RLD-LJP combination suffered a rout in the Lok Sabha polls three months ago.
They also predicted that Nitish Kumar-led NDA would have a smooth run in the bypoll, which was being described as the semi-final before the state general Assembly elections to be held in 2010.
But, Lalu-led combination stunned observers by winning nine against NDA’s five seats, besides giving a resounding blow to the chief minister, who rode on anti-Lalu sentiment to power in 2005 and won all polls afterwards.
Question remains as to how an embattled RJD boss, shunted by the Congress-led government at the Centre and deserted by loyalists back home, brought about a coupe signalling tough times for Nitish Kumar.
Senior RJD ideologue and state party chief Abdul Bari Sidiqui said: “Robbed of power, ditched by loyalists and ignored by the media, Lalu got back to the basics. He and Ram Vilas Paswan, Bihar’s tallest Dalit leader, sweated in the hinterland operating among backward classes, who saw him as their messiah. On the other hand, Nitish’s JD(U)-BJP combine rejoiced in the glory of victory ignoring the people who had voted him to power.”
The first step that Lalu took was to cement ties with Ram Vilas Paswan, his bitter foe for over five years. Stooping to conquer, Lalu at times played second fiddle to Paswan giving him five seats among the 18 to win back Dalit support.
He also chose his candidates intelligently. For instance, Lalu fielded Bishwanath Gupta, a bania from Munger, a seat won by JD(U) state chief Lallan Singh in the past Lok Sabha polls. As a result, banias, combined with Yadavs and Paswans — LJP-RLD’s core vote — trounced JD(U), who had to depend on upper caste Bhumihar votes, which, too, had turned their back to JD(U) after the party began to promote EBCs.
While Nitish spoke for the cause of Mahadalits, Lalu worked at the grassroots fielding a Mahadalit, Udai Majhi, from the JD(U) on an RJD ticket. Majhi trounced Shyam Razak, an RJD renegade who already had strong anti-incumbency factor against him in Phulwari Sharief.
Moreover, Nitish described the emergence of Congress in the bypoll as a reason for the RJD-LJP win. The chief minister may be right in his assessment as Bhumihars, Brahmins and Rajputs, upper caste groups feeling ignored by the Nitish rule, got an option in the Congress. For the first time in the four years, several people voted for the Congress leading it to equal its tally to BJP’s two and depriving the NDA of militant support groups which had backed the combination in the Lok Sabha polls and previous bypolls.
Last but not the least, Lalu changed his campaign style. While, Nitish delivered speeches, the former RJD boss tried door-to-door campaign, literally begging for voetes stating: “Merey malikon; mera khana dana kyon chhina, mujhase kya galti hua”.
Thus, he struck an emotional chord while Nitish functioned in a much too professional manner that people from the hinterland saw as arrogance.
RJD general secretary and Lalu loyalist, Ramkripal Yadav sums up: “Hamaray neta se log rooth gaya thaa. Laluji ne roothi janata ko mana liya. (People were miffed with Lalu. He won them back.”
The electoral blow has surely shaken Nitish’s confidence ahead of Assembly polls.
However, he, too, is a master of comeback. After leaving Lalu Prasad, his Samata Party won only four Assembly seats in 1995, but fighting hard he rode to power in 2005. JD(U) believe that the setback will alert a Nitish ahead of the Assembly polls.
(the telegraph) - Vijay Sharma
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Land reforms: Bihar farmers afraid of Bengal repeat |
The Commission constituted by the Nitish Kumar Government to look into the aspect of land reforms in the state has stirred up the hornet’s nest even before it could submit its recommendations over the sensitive issue of bataidaari or sharecropping.
Since the Land Reforms Commission is headed by D Bandyopadhay, the man credited for carrying out land reforms in neighbouring West Bengal nearly three decades back, the landed farmers here are scared that the state Government might impart more rights to the sharecroppers on the pattern of West Bengal. The Bandopadhyay Commission recently submitted its report over bhoodaan land to the Chief Minister and coming up next is the recommendation over bataidaari or sharecropping.
Soon after the Commission submitted its first interim report, rumour spread across rural Bihar that the state Government was gearing up to give clinching rights to the sharecroppers. Driven by fear many big farmers in a couple of districts started releasing their land from sharecroppers. With a large section of landed gentry shifting to urban areas the land is left to the sharecropper who uses it in return for a share of crop produced on the land.
Scare among the landed gentry was so strong that Kumar had to assert that there was no danger of owners losing control and ownership of their land. In an interview to a local daily he said that his Government was planning to increase agricultural productivity by imparting limited rights to the sharecroppers in a manner they are able to take loans for farming.
But this reassurance has contributed to further confusion. The landed class started questioning the idea of mortgaging the land which was not theirs and take loan against it? What will happen if the sharecropper fails to repay the loan? Sensing the anger, Kumar said: “It’s surprising. The Commission has not submitted its report. My Government wants to increase agricultural production in the state and it has no intention of ending ownership rights of land owners.”
Despite all this, confusion continued to sweep the countryside with political parties using the issue to their advantage. Soon after Kumar’s clarification, the CPI-ML came up with a strong reaction and threatened to launch an agitation. It accused the Government of attempting to vitiate the report even before it had was tabled.
Aug 2009 (Indian Express)
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New Act to Protect 'Bataidars' in Bihar |
The D Bandopadhayay Commission on land reforms in Bihar has suggested to the state government to enact a new act to protect "bataidars (share-croppers)", besides capping land ceiling and computerisation of land records.
The commission in its report has asked the government to bring a new legislation to protect "bataidars", according to the CDs containing the report, which the state government did not lay in the Assembly during this monsoon session which ended yesterday, made available to the legislators.
Several opposition MLAs had yesterday raised a hue and cry in the assembly over the state government's alleged reluctance to lay the report in the assembly and stormed out of the House in protest.
Bihar minister for Land Reforms and Revenue Narendra Narain Yadav had said the act under which the commission was set up by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar prohibited the state government to table the report in the state legislature.
Stating that the recommendations of the commission were not not binding on the state government, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar said the state government formed such commission as its suggestions would come in handy for taking a final decision on complicated issues.
He informed that a committee of experts would look into the possibility of giving legal rights to `bataidars'.
Suggesting a cap on land ceiling at 15 acres (for both agricultural and non-agricultural land), the commission has recommended creation of better mechanisms for mutation, identification of bhoodan land and toning up revenue administration.
A controversy has erupted in Bihar with a big lobby opposing the move to give legal protection rights to sharecroppers as the largest section of land owners use to get their lands cultivated without giving any `parcha' to the `bataidars'.
The commission also recommended enactment of a harsh legislation to take action against those hiding their surplus land in `benami names or via covert transfers.'
The benami transaction (prohibition of the right to recovery) act 1989 should also be amended, it suggests.
Besides, the report has also recommended steps for management of the khas mahal land and disposal of all land dispute cases.
The state government had already brought a land tribunal act to dispose of land-related cases.
Land Reforms Commission Chairman D Bandyopadhyay, when approached by PTI said it would be better if the state government take immediate steps to implement the recommendations of the commission at the earliest in the greater benefits of the downtrodden sections of the society.
Architect of operation Bargadar in West Bengal, Bandyopadhyay said land reforms were necessary for economic and agricultural growth of Bihar where the number of landless people was huge. "Bihar's growth is linked to the substantive land reforms," he remarked.
On the existing flaws in the tenancy laws and ceiling laws, he said a whole scale reforms was necessary to bring changes in rural hinterland and said the "situation of farmers was still as pitiable as it was during the period of indigo movement in Champaran."
"Nothing has changed in Champaran as small and marginal farmers continue to face oppression and poverty", he observed.
He suggested that Bihar could easily give land to 5.48 lakh landless farmers by acquiring surplus land still owned by big landlords in benami names.
The report also carried a detailed account of the manner in which big estates and land lords had managed to keep their land above ceiling limit by transferring the property in benami names as well as to fictitious trusts and temples.
09 Aug 09 - Outlook India
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Bihar Land Reforms Commission Report |
The Bihar Land Reforms Commission, headed by D Bandyopadhyay, looked into the array of issues related to land, from evaluating the success of Bhoodan movement, mutation, bataidari (share cropping), ceiling, contract farming and rearrangement of land administration.
Stating that though Bihar was one of the first states in India to have Land Reforms Act in 1950, the commission said over the years, it has been amended and made weaker.
To make land ceiling effective, the commission asked Bihar government to allot between one acre and .66 acre of ceiling surplus land to the lowest strata of landless agricultural workers consisting of 16.68 lakh households. It also suggested assignment of at least 10 decimals of land each to 5.84 lakh homeless non-farm rural workers.
As a long-term measure, the commission recommended that distinction between agricultural and non-agricultural land should be abolished. “Land should be defined in a simple dictionary manner so that no one has the opportunity or option to wriggle out of the ceiling provisions by showing some as agricultural and some in other ways,” the commission said.
Also, the general exemption given for plantations, orchards, mango/litchi groves, fisheries and other categories of land use should be done away with.
The commission also reiterated that as already provided in the ceiling act, the ceiling for a family of five or more should be 15 acres. Religious establishments existing since 1950 should be allowed one unit of 15 acres.
The commission said that concession of 100 acres given to sugar mills should not only be done away with but government should also take over land from these mills leaving only 15 acres for them. Arguing that cutoff date for land ceiling had been misused, the commission said July 9, 1949, should be the accepted date since on this day, Land Reforms Committee of Congress, headed by J C Kumarappa, gave its report that was widely accepted by other states.
In case of absentee landlords, the commission suggested that they be given the option whether they would like to utilise this land through personal cultivation or would like the government to do it.
As for bataidari system (sharecropping), the commission said 15-20% of cultivators in the state were sharecroppers. It recommended that there should be a standalone Bataidar Act. hand while yelling at the referee
08 August 2009 -Sharma
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Bhumihar and Their Impact on Bihar and India |
Respected Brothers, We are all proud to be BHUMIHARS and rightly so.
Let us examine our contribution towards our state and our country spanning a period of several millenia. Magadh was the greatest state of ancient India It was a great imperial superpower which dominated the ancient age of the Indian sub-continent. There were several factors which made Magadh so special. From time immemorial Magadh has produced fierce warriors, mighty conquerors, outstanding thinkers and gifted intellectuals.
When we look in the Indian context we find that states like Rajasthan which have a great military tradition but minimal intellectual development. Similarly a state like Bengal which has produced several great intellectuals but has no military legacy. But in the case of Magadh if it produced Parashuram it also produced Valmiki, Chandragupta and Chanakya,Ashok and Mahavir and so on not to mention Ajatshatru and Buddha.Secondly Magadh had a great seat of learning like Nalanda.Therefore it produced the best intellectual capital in the world. But the most important factor was the presence of a great caste known as Magadh Brahmins which is today called BHUMIHAR. The ancient Bhumihars lived by a code of conduct. They were not only brilliant scholars but also outstanding soldiers.
The greatest amongst them was Parashuram. He was the one who started this tradition which lives on to this day. In ancient Magadh Bhumihars either became great scholars or pursued careers in the military and rose to powerful positions. During the reign of Ashoka Buddhism became the state religion of India.Bhumihars who were holding high civil and military posts converted to Buddhism.This was only a tactical move.Pushyamitra,a Bhumihar went on to become the supreme commander of the Mauryan army. In a military coup the Mauryan rule was ended. Those Bhumihars which had earlier converted to Buddhism came back to the Vaishnav fold. The Bhumihars declared Buddha to be an incarnation of Vishnu.That was the beginning of the end of Buddhism in . The next great dynasty which that ruled Magadh were the Guptas.In this era also Bhumihars excelled in every field. During the British rule Bhumihars tried to keep pace with the times. Today most IAS officers are produced by Bihar but during the British rule only a handful of Indians made it.One of the first ICS officers produced by Bihar was my great grand father Shri Ambika Nandan Sinha in the year 1897. Even when our country was relieved of British rule the first Chief Minister of Bihar was a Bhumihar, Shri Krishna Sinha. Hence we have not only had an impact on our state but also our nation.We not only banished Buddhism but also championed the cause of Vaishnavism.Lomg live the BHUMIHARS.
07 August 2009 - (Vivek Sinha)
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